Verb paradigms

The peculiarities of the vocalization of the 1st and 4th forms of the v cuman are probably attributable to their previously including the consonant -w- (cf Goth qiman [ʹkwɪman]).

In Proto-Germanic (and also in Gothic), the fifth class of strong verbs was characterized by the vowel interchange i/ă + any consonant, except sonant. In Anglo-Saxon, the fifth class of ablaut/vowel gradation of strong verbs is represented by four main versions: (a) the version with vowel -e- in its pres tense stem; (b) the version with vowel -i- in its pres tns stem and the gemination of the following consonant; (c) the version with consonant change in accordance with Verner’s law; and (d) the version with the diphthongized vowel after palatal consonant.

In addition, (e) the fifth class of the Anglo-Saxon strong verbs includes the version, which is characterized by the vowel contraction resulting from the dropping of the consonant h (and also by some other anomalies).

The sixth class was characterized by the Prot-Germ vowel gradation ă – ō – ō– ă [← Indo-Europ quantitative ablaut ŏ – ō – ō – ŏ].

This vowel gradation finds the following expression in Anglo-Saxon (depending on the surroundings of the stem vowel):

In Anglo-Saxon, the traces of the reduplication are retained only by p tense forms of some verbs; e.g. héht p of v hátan (to call, name; to order); léolc p of v lácan (to play; to jump); réord p of v rǽdan (to advise, counsel); ondreord p of v ondrǽdan (to dread, fear); léort (← *leolt) p of v lǽtan (to let, allow; to leave).

In the seventh class of the Anglo-Saxon strong verbs, their two main versions can be distinguished: the one with -é- in both stems of p tense; and another one with -éo- in both stems of p tense.

In addition, the seventh class includes verbs (fón, hón – vid below), which are characterized by the vowel contraction as a result of the dropping of the consonant h and by consonant change in accordance with Verner’s law.

The 1st class of Prot-Germ weak verbs was marked by the presence of the suff *-i-/-j-, retained by the Anglo-Saxon in the form of the suff -e-/-i-, attested in past participles and, in case of certain verbs, also in the present tense; e.g. nerian (to save), nerede (he saved) and nered p.p. (saved). In many other verbs, however, this suffix has disappeared.

Some verbs of this type showed the assimilation of the consonant of the verbal stem and the suffix forming the past tense. This assimilation must have taken place already in the Proto-Germanic language. At least, it is attested in Gothic (cf Goth þagkjan (to think) – p tense sing þahta; waúrkjan (to make, do, work)– p tense sing waúrhta, etc).

The anomalous form-building in other OE weak verbs of the first class (e.g. tellan ← *taljan) is attributable to the assimilative phonetic influence of the suffix -jan of the Prot-Germ weak verbs, causing the umlaut (a > æ > e) of the verbal stem vowel, resulting in tellan in pres tense stem. In the p tense forms of the same verb, due to the absence of the said suffix, there is preserved the original Anglo-Saxon vocalization (-ea-, -a-) of the verbal stem (vid below).

The second class of the weak verbs is marked by the presence of the Prot-Germ suffix *-ō-, preserved in the Anglo-Saxon in the form of short vowel -o- of the past tense suffix: macode (made); lufode (loved), etc.

It is worth mentioning that in some cases (due to the absence of any stem-forming suffix), the collision of the root of a preterite-present verb and the above-mentioned dental suffix caused the phonetic assimilation of their phonemes; e.g. áȝan (to own, possess, have) and áhte (he owned, possessed, had). This assimilation is analogous to that, which took place in some Anglo-Saxon irregular verbs; e.g. bусȝаn, bусȝеаn (to buy) and bohte (he bought); þencan (to think) and þóhte (he thought); brenȝаn (to bring) and bróhte (he brought). (cf the same in Gothic). In general, we can state that preterite-present verbs are in some respect mixed-type morphologically: they are strong in present tense (having vowel gradation like strong verbs) and weak in the past tense (having dental suffix like weak verbs do).

The Anglo-Saxon pret-pres v sculan (as well as the irreg v willan) is characterized by the ending -t in 2 pers sing of the present tense: ðú scealt (you must/should; thou shalt). It is worth mentioning that these verbal forms have retained the ending -t of the 2 pers p tense sing of the Proto-Germanic strong verbs. cf Goth þu gaft (you gave), þu namt (you took), etc.

cf the same forms in case of other OE pret-pres verbs, e.g. cunnan – ðú canst, ðú const (you can, thou canst), where -st is a later formation [← -s + þú].

The Mod E verbs can, may, shall and others originate from pres sing forms. cf the Anglo-Saxon (OE) can(n), mæȝ, sceal; while the Mod E verbs ought and must historically originate from the past tense verbal forms and thus can be regarded as twice preterite-present ones (cf OE áhte, móste).

These anomalies have different origin. Some of these irregular/anomalous verbs have common Germanic/Proto-Germanic origin, while the peculiarities of some other ones must have formed later and appear to be the phenomena from subsequent (West-Germanic or purely Anglo-Saxon) period.

The interrelation of present and past tense stems of this verb is not absolutely clear. The past tense stem may be the manifestation of reduplication. Supposedly, this verb may be also associated with the dental suffix forming past tense forms of Germanic weak verbs (cf OE dydon, O Sax dâdun, dedun (they did) and, for instance, Goth nasidēdun (they saved), where the similarity between the OE and O Sax forms on the one hand and the Goth dental suffix on the other hand is strikingly evident).

It is worth mentioning that the Anglo-Saxon is the only Germanic language which had the complete paradigm of the verbal root *beu-, *beo- in the present tense. Other Germanic languages have only some forms of this root in their present-tense paradigms of the verb to be (cf Mod G bin (I am), bist (2 pers sing ) (thou art, you are), but ist (is), seid (2 pers pl) (you are), sind (they are)).

cf the analogous phenomenon in Gothic: gaggan (to go), gaggiþ (goes), iddja (he went).